Czechoslovakia was the last state liberated from Nazi Germany. A year after winning the elections, in 1946 the communists won 40% of the votes and then formed a cabinet of ministers. In 1948, Czechoslovakia was proclaimed a people's democratic republic and entered the community of socialist states.
Khrushchev’s “thaw” and the general atmosphere of the 1960s - an atmosphere of hope and the search for new paths - all this influenced not only the people, but also the leaders of Czechoslovakia. In the Communist Party and outside its ranks, among the creative intelligentsia, in student organizations, heated discussions arose on issues of politics, liberalization of public life, abolition of censorship, etc. In 1966–1967. There was an increase in internal contradictions among the party leadership, which occurred against the backdrop of economic difficulties and disputes over de-Stalinization and democratization. In January 1968, the President of the Republic A. Novotny was forced to resign from the post of First Secretary of the Central Committee. Alexander Dubcek, who previously headed the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Slovakia, became the first secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia. Dubcek was a committed communist, having spent many years in the Soviet Union, but at the same time he advocated a renewal of party policies.
During his short reign in Czechoslovakia, censorship restrictions were relaxed, new press organs and public associations appeared. The leadership of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia and the government of Czechoslovakia spoke a lot about democratization and liberalization. In his speeches, Dubcek repeatedly noted that communists themselves must identify and criticize shortcomings.
In March, Novotny also resigned as president of the country. General Ludwik Svoboda was elected as the new head of state. On April 4, 1968, the Plenum of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia elected a new composition of the Presidium and Secretariat of the Central Committee. On April 19, the new chairman of the National Assembly of Czechoslovakia, J. Smrkovsky, promised the people freedom of speech, assembly and religion.
Such “excessive” independence could not but worry the Kremlin. At the end of March 1968, the Central Committee of the CPSU sent out classified information to the party activists about the situation in Czechoslovakia: “... In Czechoslovakia, proposals are being made about a special Czechoslovak path to socialism... the need for an “independent” foreign policy is emphasized. There are calls for the creation of private enterprises, the abandonment of the planned system, and the expansion of ties with the West. A number of newspapers, radio and television are promoting calls for “the complete separation of the party from the state”... It should be noted that irresponsible speeches are not rebuffed by the leadership of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia...”
Dubcek was criticized by colleagues from other countries for saying that “the HRC is losing power.” They started talking about the need to “help” the HRC. The Hungarian leader J. Kadar took a more restrained position. The Romanian leader N. Ceausescu also opposed interference in the internal affairs of Czechoslovakia. But Ulbricht, Gomulka and Zhivkov argued to Brezhnev that all means were good to “save socialism.”
May 14, 1968. The Czechoslovak government announced the beginning of sweeping liberal reforms. On June 27, the National Assembly adopted a law on the abolition of censorship and a law on the rehabilitation of political prisoners. The non-party opposition criticized the totalitarian system and demanded a multi-party parliamentary system.
To discuss the situation in Czechoslovakia, Moscow invited the Czechoslovak leadership to a new meeting of the allies. But the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China refused. At a meeting held in Warsaw, Brezhnev expressed concern that Czechoslovakia was moving away from the socialist community, and also declared collective responsibility for the fate of socialism in each country.
On July 14, after the completion of exercises within the framework of the Warsaw Pact, the USSR suspended the withdrawal of its troops from Czechoslovakia. Brezhnev received a letter from pro-Moscow members of the leadership of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia asking for help. Negotiations with Dubcek and other members of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia did not produce positive results. On August 18 in Moscow, the leaders of the USSR, East Germany, Poland, Hungary and Bulgaria agreed that political means of influence had been exhausted, so “military assistance” could be provided to Czechoslovakia. In the implementation of plans for military intervention, a large role was assigned to President L. Svoboda. The army received instructions from the president not to oppose the interventionists.
On the night of August 20-21, 1968, the Soviet army and troops of four other Warsaw Pact countries entered the territory of Czechoslovakia. In the Soviet press this was called “brotherly help.” The tanks quickly moved towards the capital, although from time to time their path was blocked by crowds of Czechs shouting “Go home!” Soviet soldiers were surprised to see fists instead of the promised flowers, because they were told that the people of Czechoslovakia would gladly accept “brotherly help.” The population was outraged by the occupation by friendly countries, because the reform process in the country itself was proceeding quite peacefully. Demonstrations took place throughout the country. In Prague and other cities, clashes occurred between citizens and troops of the Warsaw Pact countries. In some places tanks were set on fire. Czech underground radio stations reported hundreds of dead citizens, but the Soviet press called all these reports slander spread by counter-revolutionary forces.
In Prague, Soviet paratroopers captured the building of the Central Committee of the Communist Party. Dubcek, Prime Minister Chernik and other leaders of the country were arrested and taken to Moscow. The Central Committee of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia, having gathered for an underground meeting, removed pro-Soviet members from its composition. Svoboda declared his support for Dubcek. At 4 a.m. on August 21, Prague Radio broadcast: “We are with you, be with us.” Soviet troops had to take radio and television by force.
On August 22, Brezhnev was forced to admit that the circumstances in Czechoslovakia were worse than expected. We had to start negotiations. On August 23, Dubcek signed a protocol in Moscow in which he promised to suspend reforms and provided for the deployment of Soviet troops on the territory of Czechoslovakia. After this, Dubcek was able to return to Prague. Czechoslovakia realized that it had to come to terms, but negotiations saved the country from repression. Liberalization was suspended.
Already in 1969, new mass anti-Soviet demonstrations began in Czechoslovakia. The occasion was the victory of the Czechoslovak hockey team over the USSR national team. This time, under pressure from Marshal Grechko, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia replaced Dubcek as first secretary with Gustav Husak, who was more inclined to a policy of compromise with the USSR. Within a few months, personnel changes occurred in the leadership of Czechoslovakia, as a result of which opponents of the changes came to power. From the CPC, which until 1968 numbered 1,680 thousand members and candidate members, in those years about 460 thousand people were expelled or left.
The West strongly condemned the invasion of Warsaw Pact troops into Czechoslovakia. And on August 25, 1968, in Moscow on Red Square, in defense of the Prague Spring, a group of dissidents consisting of eight people held a demonstration under the slogan “For our and your freedom.” Naturally, the participants in this desperate attempt to draw attention to the events in Czechoslovakia were immediately arrested and soon sentenced to various terms of imprisonment.
The "Prague Spring" of 1968 plays a fairly important role in the history of world socialism. The definition of this historical process has changed significantly over a short period of time - the then “creeping counter-revolution” now has the name of a peaceful democratic revolution.
The most interesting thing is that the reform process, which was proposed by members of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia, was brutally suppressed by the military force of the Communists ruling in the neighboring countries allies of Czechoslovakia under the Warsaw Pact. It seemed that the “Prague Spring” was destroyed and completely forgotten, but its ideas became the basis of mass movements in the bloc that followed in the 80s and led to a peaceful change of power and
First, you need to understand what the term “Prague Spring” means? Firstly, we can say with confidence that this was not a sinister plan or a counter-revolution by right-wing forces with the aim of replacing Czechoslovakia. Secondly, the idea of an attempt by NATO member countries to separate Czechoslovakia from the socialist camp should not be taken seriously. Because in 1968 in this country the main goal of society was freedom of speech and press, democratization of the regime, economic reforms and reluctance to build communism under the Stalinist system.
We should not forget that this was the time of the 60s - a period of great hope in socialist countries, where the idea of improving the existing economic policy was actively discussed. Czechoslovakia was no exception, where there were fierce debates and discussions among the creative intelligentsia and student organizations regarding the further socio-economic development of the country. Czechoslovakia at that time was far behind its Western European neighbors, and tried in every possible way to bridge this gap. For this purpose, all kinds of reforms were proposed, for example, economic ones, which were supposed to create the preconditions for future changes in the political structure. However, as is usually the case, the impetus for change was a change in personnel at the top of power. Due to the prevailing conspiracy, A. Novotny was forced to resign from the post of First Secretary of the Central Committee, whose place was then taken by A. Dubcek, who was well known to members of the CPSU. It was from this moment that the “Prague Spring” began its report.
After this, Czechoslovakia was relatively quiet, and discussions took place in the country about the future and socialist revival of the state. Censorship also weakened, new ones were organized, such as the Non-Party Club - "KAN", and many residents of the republic gained a sense of independence and freedom. As for the state government, the struggle for the redistribution of portfolios was in full swing within the Communist Party of Human Rights, which distracted the country's leadership from the planned policy of reforms. And therefore, power gradually passed to the non-traditional political forces of Czechoslovakia.
In March 1968, he sent a document to party activists about the state of affairs in Czechoslovakia. It expressed concern about the manifestation of anti-socialist sentiment in society and spoke of the need to repel revolutionary uprisings. But Dubcek always stated that the situation in the country was under the vigilant control of the party.
However, at this time in Czechoslovakia demands for the creation of an official opposition were increasingly heard. The professional suitability of most of the party leadership was actively discussed within the country. Various speeches and rallies took place, society was ready for a counter-revolution, but A. Dubcek continued to be inactive.
And all this did not go unnoticed by the countries whose soldiers and tanks entered Czechoslovakia on the night of August 20, 1968. At the same time, Soviet military planes landed at the Prague airfield, and KGB members took into custody the first secretary and members of the Presidium of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia. And Prague itself, figuratively speaking, closed its doors. A general strike was declared in the city, all the streets were empty. Residents of the Czechoslovak Republic did not respond to violence with violence. and not a single shot was fired at the occupiers. In total, during the process called the “Prague Spring”, more than 70 people died in Czechoslovakia, 250 were injured, and thousands of people were forced into exile. This is how the suppression of the “Prague Spring” took place - the second attempt at perestroika in the socialist camp after a year.
In fact, the organizers of the Czechoslovak reforms were against their country becoming capitalist; they were all convinced communists. They just wanted to create socialism "with a human face."
Alexander Dubcek - first secretary of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia (January-August 1968)
In 1968, for almost eight months, the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic (CSSR) experienced a period of profound changes unprecedented in the history of the communist movement. These transformations were a natural result of the growing crisis in this relatively prosperous and developed country, in whose political culture predominantly democratic traditions are deeply rooted. The process of democratization in Czechoslovakia, prepared by reformist-minded forces within the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia, went almost unnoticed for a number of years by most analysts and political figures in the West and East, including Soviet leaders. They misinterpreted the nature of the political conflict within the CPC at the end of 1967, which led to the removal in January 1968 of the first secretary of the Presidium of the CPC Central Committee A. Novotny. A. Dubcek, a graduate of the Higher Party School under the CPSU Central Committee, who spoke excellent Russian, was elected instead.
At the end of March, A. Novotny resigned from the post of President of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic. Instead, on the recommendation of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia, the hero of the Second World War, General Ludwik Svoboda, was elected to this post, to whom the Soviet leaders also had no objections.
The fall of Novotny was not just the result of a struggle for power within the Czechoslovak leadership, but occurred for a number of reasons, including: the economic crisis of 1962 - 1963, which awakened the desire for economic reforms, the slow progress of the process of political rehabilitation of the repressed, the open dissent of writers and students, the awakening reformist-minded intellectual layers in the party, who began the struggle for freedom of thought and expression.
The protracted nature of the political crisis, the stubborn opposition of Novotny and his supporters to Dubcek, a number of scandalous incidents in 1968 (for example, the sensational escape to the United States of General Ian Cheyna, accompanied by rumors of a failed attempt at a military coup in favor of Novotny’s restoration), the weakening of censorship - all this contributed to the mobilization public support for the new leadership. Interested in reform, the leaders of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia included their pluralistic concept of socialism “with a human face” in the “Program of Action” adopted in April 1968 as the “Magna Carta” of the new Dubcek leadership. In addition, Dubcek allowed the creation of a number of new political clubs, and also abolished censorship; in the field of foreign policy, it was decided to pursue a more independent course, which would, however, meet the interests of the Warsaw Pact in general and the policy of the USSR in particular.
The amazing speed of events in Czechoslovakia in January - April 1968 created a dilemma for the Soviet leadership. The resignation of Novotny's Moscow-oriented supporters, and especially the reformist programs of the Dubcek leadership and the revival of press freedom, led, from the Soviet point of view, to a dangerous situation in one of the key countries of Eastern Europe. In addition, the leadership of a number of countries participating in the Warsaw Pact thought about the increased, in their opinion, vulnerability of the borders and territory of Czechoslovakia, the prospect of its withdrawal from the Warsaw Pact, which would result in the inevitable undermining of the Eastern European military security system.
Potentially, the situation in Czechoslovakia could affect neighboring Eastern European countries, and even the Soviet Union itself. The Czechoslovak slogan “socialism with a human face” questioned the humanity of Soviet socialism. The "Magna Carta" meant a much greater degree of internal party democracy, the granting of greater autonomy to the state apparatus, other political parties and parliament, the restoration of civil rights (freedom of assembly and association) and a more decisive continuation of political rehabilitation, the restoration of national rights of ethnic minorities within the federation, the implementation of economic reform, etc.
Prague. August 1968
The possibility of a “chain reaction” in neighboring socialist countries, where the social upheavals of the recent past were still fresh in memory (GDR in 1953, Hungary in 1956), led to hostility towards the Czechoslovak “experiment” not only of the Soviet, but also of East Germany (W. Ulbricht ), Polish (V. Gomulka) and Bulgarian (T. Zhivkov) leadership. J. Kadar (Hungary) took a more restrained position.
However, the Prague Spring represented a different kind of protest than that which Soviet leaders faced in Hungary in 1956. Dubcek's leadership did not challenge the fundamentals of ensuring the national security interests of the USSR; it did not come up with a proposal to revise the foreign policy orientation of Czechoslovakia. The preservation of membership in the OVD and CMEA was not questioned. Limited pluralism also did not mean a loss of overall control on the part of the Communist Party: power, although somewhat dispersed, would remain in the hands of the reformist party leadership.
From the point of view of the Soviet leadership, events in Czechoslovakia created problems and were potentially dangerous. Having been burned by Hungary, Soviet leaders for a long time could not determine their course in relation to what was happening in Czechoslovakia. Should the changes that have taken place there since January be eliminated or simply limited? What means should be used to influence Czechoslovakia? Should we limit ourselves to political and economic actions or resort to armed intervention?
Despite the fact that the Kremlin was united in its negative attitude towards Czechoslovak reformism, for a long time they were not inclined towards a military invasion. Some members of the Soviet leadership began an intensive search for a peaceful solution to the problem. This became evident after March 1968, when the Soviet government began to use a range of political and psychological pressure to convince Dubcek and his colleagues of the need to slow down the impending changes.
The Soviet side exerted political pressure on Dubcek's leadership during various meetings and negotiations: at a multilateral meeting in Dresden in March, during a bilateral meeting of the leaders of the CPSU and the Communist Party of the Communist Party in Moscow in May, at unprecedented high-level negotiations between the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee and the Presidium of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China in Cierna nad Tisou in July, in Bratislava in August 1968. The Czechoslovak delegation refused to attend the meeting of the leaders of Bulgaria, Hungary, the GDR, Poland and the USSR in Warsaw (July 1968).
The aggravation of the situation was also facilitated by the initially restrained reaction and then the categorical refusal of the Czechoslovak leadership to accept repeated proposals to station Soviet military contingents on the territory of Czechoslovakia.
Political pressure was accompanied by psychological pressure: large-scale exercises of the Internal Affairs Troops with the participation of the USSR, the GDR and Poland were held near the borders of Czechoslovakia. Later, such a type of psychological influence was used as the presence of troops of the Warsaw Pact countries on the territory of Czechoslovakia during and after military exercises in June and July 1968.
In addition, the Soviet leadership did not exclude the possibility of using economic sanctions against Czechoslovakia as a form of pressure. However, despite reports that appeared at the end of April 1968 about the cessation of Soviet grain supplies, there was no real evidence of the use of economic leverage.
Prague spring. Causes
In addition to the main myth about the attempt to build socialism with a human face in 1968, there are currently several less important myths associated with the Prague Spring, or more precisely, the events during the spring-summer of 1968 in Czechoslovakia.
So first, these 10 major myths.
Socialism slowed down the growth rate of Czechoslovakia.
Dubcek began reforms in Czechoslovakia.
Novotny was removed by the communists of Czechoslovakia themselves and they themselves elected Dubcek, regardless of the reaction of the leaders of the USSR.
The ultimate goal of the Prague Spring was to build socialism with a human face. Dubcek wanted to establish democracy in Czechoslovakia.
Dubcek carried out economic reforms.
The USSR was the first to formulate the doctrine of limited sovereignty.
The Soviet Union used force where caution and patience were needed.
The USSR's actions sharply aggravated the international situation and brought the world to the brink of nuclear war.
After the introduction of troops, the USSR removed the leaders of the Prague Spring. The military intervention of the USSR ended the democratic leadership of Czechoslovakia led by Dubcek.
After the entry of troops, the Soviet Union stopped economic reforms in Czechoslovakia.
Let’s do a detailed analysis and debunking of myths.
Prague spring. Main stages and results
Before refuting the myths, a few words about the historical outline of those events. The encyclopedia says that in March 1953, immediately after Stalin, the President of Czechoslovakia K. Gottwald died. Antonin Zapotocki was elected President of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic, and V. Shiroky received the post of Prime Minister. In June 1953, unrest began in Pilsen and other industrial areas, the reason for which was a significant increase in prices, the result of monetary reform and the lifting of restrictions on the purchase of food and consumer goods. The unrest was a reaction to similar events in the GDR. In an effort to calm the population, the government took a number of measures to increase the production of consumer goods. In July, the public demanded that the government eliminate harsh penalties for leaving work. To reassure the peasants, forced collectivization was suspended, and peasants were allowed to leave collective farms.
In May 1956, students held a demonstration in Prague demanding the abolition of controls on cultural and intellectual life. It is now difficult to say who organized their performances. But this was clearly not an independent action. It should be remembered that in 1956, after Khrushchev’s report, the West began total subversive actions in all socialist countries. Anti-government protests were noted not only in Czechoslovakia, Poland, and the German Democratic Republic, but also in Hungary, where they ended with the Orange Revolution.
In November 1957, Zapototsky died. The post of Secretary General of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia and at the same time the President of the country was taken by A. Novotny. And already in 1960 the first steps towards de-Stalinization began. Gottwald has been criticized for his "cult of personality". In 1961, his body was removed from the mausoleum. Several high-ranking officials who carried out repressions during the Stalinist period were removed from the governing bodies, others were imprisoned. The monument to Stalin in Prague was dismantled. Novotny did not support the removal of Khrushchev in 1964.
In 1967, the situation in Poland became more complicated. The USSR provided it with economic assistance and allowed it to take Western loans. This resolution was a fundamental mistake. These were the circumstances that preceded the beginning of the Prague Spring.
Prague Spring - a period of rapid democratic changes in Czechoslovakia (Czech Republic + Slovakia) in 1968. At that time, due to the increasing recession in the economy and the constant suppression of dissent, a reformist wing arose in the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia, the main slogan of which was proclaimed “socialism with a human face.” In January 1968 The president of the country and the 1st Secretary of the Central Committee of Czechoslovakia, A. Novotny, was removed. A representative of the liberal wing of the Communist Party, A. Dubcek, was elected head of the Communist Party, and L. Svoboda became president. Already in April, an updated program of the country's Communist Party was published, which proclaimed a course towards democratization and economic reforms. It was this period of development of Czechoslovakia that went down in history as the “Prague Spring”. Representatives of other parties and movements were invited to participate in governing the country, the opposition was now recognized as having the right to exist, and censorship was abolished. Unlike similar events in 1956. in Hungary and Czechoslovakia, order and civil peace were preserved. The radical changes caused an extremely negative reaction from the leadership of the then USSR. In July, the heads of the communist parties of the USSR, East Germany, Bulgaria, Hungary and Poland warned the leaders of Czechoslovakia that the reforms they were carrying out would turn into a “counter-revolution.” At a meeting held from July 29 to August 2 in the city of Cierna nad Tisou, the Soviet leadership demanded that Dubcek curtail the developing reform process. But political pressure did not produce the expected results, and on August 21, five countries participating in the Warsaw Pact sent troops into the territory of Czechoslovakia. In fact, the leadership of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia was arrested and taken to Moscow. There they were forced to sign an agreement on the permanent stationing of Soviet troops on the territory of Czechoslovakia. Upon returning to Prague, A. Dubcek still retained his post for some time, but gradually he and his like-minded people were removed from power. The purge of the ranks of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia began. Subsequently, many reformers and representatives of the creative intelligentsia such as Z. Mlynarz, M. Forman, J. Prochazka, P. Kohout and others were forced to emigrate from the country. Thus, the interrupted “Prague Spring” buried hopes for a possible reform of the socialism of those times. The entire democratic world strongly condemned the entry of Warsaw Pact troops into Czechoslovakia. Then, on August 25, on Red Square in Moscow, in defense of the “Prague Spring,” a small group of brave dissidents, consisting of eight people, held a protest demonstration under the slogan “for your and our freedom.”
